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EMANCIPATION AND ITS RESULTS—IS OHIO TO BE AFRICANIZED ? 



DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 6, 1862. 


I Speaker : At the beginning of our civil conflict,-this House passed almost unani- 

imously a resolution offered by the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden) as to the 
<character of the war. It was a pledge that the war should not be waged in hostility to 
the institutions of any of the States. On the faith of its pledge men and money were 
voted. Since then that pledge has been broken both in this House and out of it. 

Sir, I have watched with anxiety the conduct of this House. No heed is given here 
.to the warning of loyal Union men from slave States. Their advice is met with the cry 
“oh, they are for slavery; and no pro-slavery man can be loyal.” No attention is paid 
to old-time political opponents, whose friends are the majority in the field. For aiding 
to preserve the Union, which they have been taught by their party canons to revere, 
they are treated to taunts and slander. 

Measures like those from Massachusetts, which would hold States as conquered fiefs; 
which would recognize republics abroad because they are Mack; which would create 
equality of black and white, such as passed the Senate, in carrying the i mbs.; which 
abolished slavery in this District; which, like the acts of confiscation and ancipation* 
here urged are to free the whole or a portion of the black population; all dtese mea¬ 
sures, sir, are subversive of the institutions of the States, and have created apprehene n 
and distrust. 

Before the President can crush this revolt he must reassure and reanimate the 
public mind. He has already done well in crushing the Fremont and Hunter proclama¬ 
tions. He has done well in protecting General McClellan from the fanatic*, who hun¬ 
gered for his overthrow. He has done well in many other respects from which l would 
not detract by any hostile criticism now. I would sustain my country and its constitu¬ 
tion even if I were not on oath so to do. It is in this spirit that Uwish that there were 
no ambiguity in our public counsels. Jhis war can have no end until the President 
clears away all uncertainty. The more definite the object the more firm will the Gov¬ 
ernment be in asserting it. Its generals may conquer, but cannot hold. It may by phy¬ 
sical force subdue, but it must do more to reinstate public confidence. It must control 
the civil and moral elements, by whose influence alone can the subdued be reconciled. I 
am anxious to believe that the President means right. But of the men who control this 
Congress I speak plainly. They pull down; they do not buildup. They have an ac¬ 
tivity in destroying; nothing of the genius of man in constructing. Salvation is not 
their forte. It is their conduct which creates ambiguity. 

There is something needed in making successful civil war besides raising money and 
armies. You must keep up the corifiilenee and spirit of the people. It must not only 
be animated by a noble passion at the outset, but it must be sustained by confidence in 
the cause. You dispirit the arnav and destroy its power, if you g : ve forlh an uncertain 
i sound. Is there a member here who dare say that Ohio troops will fight successfully or 
|fight at all, if the result shall he the flight and movement of the black race by millions 
^northward to their own State? Our soldiers will endqre great sacrifices, if they think 

[that they are planting the flag over States where it has been shamelessly dishonored, and if 
they believe that the United States, as they have been made by our Constitution arid con¬ 
stellated by time, are to be again enstarred in full brilliancy. But when you make men 
homeless, when you crape the doors and bedew the eyes of the bereaved—when bloody 
jalamity darkens the hearth and heavy taxes oppress labor, there must be no ambiguity 
>f policy. 

You wish to put down this rebellion ; yet you despise the counsels of the Union 
i pen of the South, who tell you that your anti-slavery crusade adds to the rebel 
b ,rmy day after day thousands of soldiers and to the southern treasury millions 
>f money. You presume on their forbearance, not caring to know, that their lips are 












often sealed here, because by denouncing you, the secession element, which is kept alive 
by your action in their States, will point to their denunciations of your conduct as a 
justification of the rebellion. You will justify this crime to history, provided only your 
vengeance and your election are made sure. 

Sir, I fear and distrust much which I cannot, from motives of prudence and patriotism, 
utter. Is it the policy here, as it would seem to be, to force the Union men South into 
some rash expression or act, by such proclamations as Hunter’s, and such legislation as 
we have had ; and then to charge this rashness asan excuse for converting the war into a 
St. Domingo insurrection, turning the South into one utter desolation ? Is it in anticipation 
of this, that we have arms for negroes sent to South Carolina and Louisiana ? We can get 
no information on these subjects, though we strive for it. Are we to be deceived by the 
prevarication of this Congress in regard to extreme measures ? In the mean time are 
these extreme measures to be taken as the army advances with its triumphant flag? In 
the name of God, is no man’s hand to be raised to retard the downward, hellward course 
of these extreme men ? Will not the President, at once, leap to fill the niche in history, 
pointed out to him by my friend from Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden.] He has done so 
many noble acts, in spite of the lashings of his friends, will he not change this equivocal 
situation and give, us reassurance in our doubt and trouble, like that which inspired his 
proclamation, and like that which dictated the Crittenden resolve ? Such assurance 
would make the country ring with his praises. It would make our taxation light, our 
duty clear and our patriotism resplendent beyond all that is written in the annals of 
man. 

I trace the murmurs of discontent which come to us from Army and people, to the 
alliance between Republicans and Abolitionists. That alliance may be natural, but it is 
not patriotic. The Philadelphia platform of no more slave States, and Republicanism 
with its Chicago dogma of no more slave territory, may be innocent in intention, but, 
allied with Abolitionism, with its raids and war upon slavery everywhere and its defiance 
of the Constitution, it is crime. 

Is thisalliance the forerunner of that perfect Union when “Liberty shall be proclaimed 
throughout all the land and to all the inhabitants thereof ?” Is it the dawn of that mil- 
lenial day which shall reflect, back the sabre, the musket and the torch in the hands of 
the enfranchised African, already urged and voted for by thirty members of this House? 

We want no more poetry about striking off chains and bidding the oppressed go. 
Plain people want to know whether the chains will not be put upon white limbs; and 
jwhither the oppressed are to go. If the industry of the North is to be fettered with 
their support; if they are to go to Ohio and the North, we want to know it. Nay, we 
want, if we can, to stop it. 

As I am anxious totsee our country restored to its former condition, I would protest 
against this ambiguous policy. 1 have seen a year of cruel distrust of our generals be¬ 
cause they were faithful to our Constitution and the Union. I have seen in and out of 
this House the thieves of character sliming over good men’s names, as if they were no 
better or more loyal than their own, because such men had a policy not based on the 
visions of African freedom. The blood of our brave soldiers flows like water in aid of a 
holy cause. It would-be a criminal silence for me to forbear to characterize this cruel, 
fraud dent change of that holy cause, into such dangerous and suicidal schemes. 

Gentlemen, on the other side of this chamber have been determined to discsuss the 
causes of this rebellion. One would have supposed that prudence on that theme would 
have sealed them into silence. Slavery, they say, is the only cuuse; and their logic is, 
eradicate the cause, and the war will stop. Slavery is the occasion, but not the cause. 
Slavery has existed for nearly seventy years, and the United States prospered in its 
unity. Slavery agitation, North and South, is the cause, and it has been carried on by 
both abolition and secession. It takes two millstones to grind the grist. From the be¬ 
ginning of secession I denounced it. I believe, in view of all its consequences, that it is 
the worst crime since the scene on Calvary. But, sir, I am at as great a loss how to 
apportion the guilt between secession and the abolition which begat it, as I would be to 
apportions the guilt of the crucifixion between Judas and the Roman soldiers. If there 
is any difference, it is in favor of the bold parricide, and against the insidious betrayer. 

And now, as the climax of this abolitionism, we find the governor of Massachusetts, 
when called on to send more troops to the aid of the Government, laying down condi¬ 
tions—conditions to his loyalty. He is willing for his people to crowd the roads with 
recruits, if only the blacks are to be freed by the war, aud Hunter’s proclamation is left 
untouched by the President.' But if this be not done, it will be a heavy draft on the 
patriotism of Massachusetts. If the blacks are to be freed; if slavery is to be up¬ 
rooted. Shakespeare says, “ your if is a great peacemaker.” This abolition “ if, ” sir, is 
an infamous traitor. I could name members on the other side of the House who, though 
few in number, have kept their faith without ambiguity. But the body of them are led 
by another class of unmistakable hue, who are ready to follow the conditional loyalty 
of the Massachusetts Governor, and to free negroes, regardless of constitutional limita¬ 
tions and consequences. 


These destructives, however they profess, when they come to vote, like the hues in a 
i prism, melt imperceptibly into each other. Though we imagine'that we see a difference 
between them, yet they altogether make up that light which is to guide us in our trou¬ 
bles, God help us when such light leads! Such friends are like those in the rebel army 
who ^approach our soldiers with white flags, crying “don’t fire! we are Union men ; don’t 
fire! and at the very moment of our confidence, they inflict their deadly treachery upon 
! our flag! • 

But it is ever thus. History shows it. Extreme men drag the moderate men with 
them. The devil, it is said, holds his own by a hair. He has entered into this majority 
as he entered into the swine; and they will, by diabolic impulse, be driven at last into 
the sea. At last—but when is that time to come? When the country is ruined ? Must 
these northern fanatics, be sated with negroes, taxes and blood, with division north and 

i devastation south and peril to constitutional liberty everywhere, before relief shall come? 
Ihey will not halt until their darling schemes are consummated. 

History tells us that such zealots do not and cannot go backward. Robespierre, the 
gentle judge at Arras, in 1783, resigned rather than condemn a criminal to death. In ten 
years after, filled with the enthusiasm of Rosseau, he claimed for the blacks in the French 
colonies a participation in political rights and exclaimed, not unlike members here, “Let 
the colonies perish, rather than a principle!” But he was the same Robespierre who 
led the Jacobins to demand the King’s head in 1792, who established the reign of terror, 
and whose motto was, “that to live was a crime.” He could take no step backward. 
Onward, onward from excess to excess, until his name became the obloquy of the world. 
Only his own death, by the same terrorism, ended his terrible rule. 

The same result took place at Rome, in the time of Gracchus. It is so everywhere 
when passion is driven to excess. 

Our only safety now lies in moderate and patriotic counsels, not rash and vindictive 
action. Libertatem in me requiro , non in pertinacia , sed quddam moderations positam 
putabo Mr. Speaker, do not think I overstate these perils from the extreme men of this 
House and the country. Have not our best men, like Clay and Douglas, warned us of 
this time? E>oes not the venerable statesman of Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden] continue 
to warn—in vain? Your records are crowded with remonstrances of the great and good 
men of the Republic against this sectional warfare against a social system to result in a 
war of ruin. 1 appeal to you now, as I did more than a year ago, to the extreme men of 
the South, to halt, to consider, before it is entirely too late. 

One thing is sure, that out of all this ambiguity, the tendency of legislative action 
here is to free the slaves of the South and hurl them in hordes upon the North. Events, 
says Phillips, are grindiug out the freedom of the negro ; and these abolition bills are 
events. The confiscation bill passed last week, and the emancipation bill resurrected by 
a majority of four after its temporary death, have this meaning. They would never have 
been urged here but for this object. They will not aid to pay the expenses of the war. 
That part of the title of the confiscation bill which so affirms is a hypocritical falsehood. 
The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. PnELrs] has demonstrated that. Even Wendall Phil¬ 
lips laughs at such bills—“you might as well,” he says, “call upon the poorhouse to 
pay the expenses of the town. Take away the slaves, and they have not enough left to 
pay one month’s expenses of the war.” The Tribune sneers at suck confiscation, and with 
more than its usual sense, when it says, that they amount to nothing, that you must first 
get the land and the negroes, and that then the expenses of confiscation and the general 
amnesty which must follow to all but the leaders, will render your confiscation valueless. 

Such bills are not constitutional. That was shown conclusively by the learned jurist 
[Mr. Thomas] from Massachusetts, as well as by the Senators from Pennsylvania [Mr. 
Cowan] and Vermont [Mr. Collamer.] They contravene the first and jdiird articles of 
the Constitution : 

“ No bill of attainder or ex-post facto law shall be passed.” 

“The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held 
in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, 
the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.” 

“Treason against the United State? shall consist only in levying war ;igainst them, or in adhering to 
their enemies, giving!them aid and comfort.” 

“No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt 
act, or on confession in open court.’’ 

“ The Cougress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but ho attainder of treason shall 
work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted.” 

They contravene the following provisions, among the amendments of trie Constitution : 

“ Article the Fifth. No person shall be held to answer fora capital or otherwise dnfamous crime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land and naval forces, 
or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war and public danger ; nor shall any person be sub - 
ject, for the same ott'ence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any crim- 
nal case to be a witness against himself, nor to be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due pro¬ 
cess of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. 

"Article the Sixth. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and 
public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, 
which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature arid cause 
of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for ob¬ 
taining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.” 






If, when swearing to sustain these clauses of the Constitution, we have not taken 
“ dicers’ oaths,” we must refuse all legislation which attaints any one for treason. We 
can declare the punishment of treason, to be meted out by “due process of law” in the 
proper tribunals. We have already done so. It is death. But for every crime there 
must be trial and conviction. It is the very essence of despolism to confiscate without 
such legal impeachment. Against such legislative tyranny the authors of our Constitu¬ 
tion framed express clauses. They did it* as Judge Story says, (II-Story's Commentaries, 
section 1844,) to guard against the injustice and iniquity which England inflicted “in 
times of rebellion or of gross subserviency to the crown, <r of violent political excite¬ 
ments—periods in which all nations are most liable (as well the free as the enslaved) to. 
forget their duties and to trample upon the rights and liberties of others.” 

The sentiment of the accomplished men of Congress being against these bills as uncon¬ 
stitutional, resort was next had to the law of nations to justify them. Members, who a 
year ago, claimed that this rebellion was not a civil war, are now quick to find out that 
it is so, when it will answer the purposes of vengeance and emancipation. The Secretary 
of War, in his order of April 9, 1862, expressly recognized the 'rebellion as a “civil war.” 
When, a year ago, 1 embodied the doctrine, that from the formidable character and num¬ 
ber of the insurgents, the laws of civil war, as between belligerent nations, ought to obtain, 
copied though my resolution was from Vattel himself—gentlemen inconsiderately voted 
it down. Vattel IBook 3, chap. 13, §295,) and other authoritative publicists declare 
what is a public war: 

“ The war between the two parties stands on the same ground, in every respect, as a public war between 
two different nations. They decide their quarrel by arms, as two different natiom would do. The 
obligation to observe’ the common laws or war toward each other is, therefore, absolute.” 

Since then, flags of truce, exchange of prisoners, and other rules of civilized warfare 
have been practiced by our.Government. England and France have recognized this re¬ 
lation. Kow, if the laws of war as between nations prevail in this con test, a- gentlemen 
now argue, then.l point to the humane code that private property on land shall not he 
confiscated, except it be contraband of war. That slaves are contraband when used on 
fortifications, and are confiscate, is no question now, since Vo ogress has enacted a law 
making each slave so used, confiscate to the State. But if by the la ws of the States slaves 
are personal property, as the courts have decided, then the law of nations reaches them. 

That law of nations has no exceptions but contraband. It is so admitted by all. 
America at least has acted on it. Fmnklin, in his treaty with Prussia, Washington, in his 
letter to Rochambeau, Hamilton, Jefferson, Clay, John Quincy Adams. Pierce, Marey, 
Lincoln, and Seward ha v . alien it for granted. It is too late to question it. They sought 
to extend it, in the irilerest of humanity, from the land to the sea. 1 have, this session, 
in a speech <on neutral maritime rights, elucidated this doctrine and its h st >ry. 1 have 
shown that this was the object of the Paris conference of 1856. and of the Marcy amend¬ 
ment proposed to the gmat maritime powers. To this doctrine the assent of forty-six 
powers was given, at the request of France. And this was the object of Mr. Dayton, 
•mi Mr. A dams, and ow other European ministers last summer, when, by Mr. Seward’s 
instruction and under President Lincoln’s direction, our nation sought to have all private 

E roperty, not contraband of war, munitions de guerre , free from seizure and confiscation 
y the cruisers and privateers of belligerents at sea, as it was already thus free upon land. 
I therefore boldly affitm that this Administration, to its lasting honor, is not only com¬ 
mitted to this’doctrine* but have favored its extension from the land to the sea. The 
great men of Europe, and of this country, have agreed to that doctrine. It was 
urged to soften the horrors of war, to save mankind from cruel a d ur just violence, 
to limit war and its horrors to the combatants, to reduce the conflict to a duello be¬ 
tween armies, and to save the sea, as the land was already saved by law, from being 
the theatre of cruel, predatory, and barbarous practices. The reason urged for this doc¬ 
trine is, that it enables men to make peace, lasting and fraternal, unembittered by cruel¬ 
ties to helpless women and children, to non-cambatants, and men of productive industry 
and peaceful oecupationsxin private life. It is the doctrine of the Saviour of mankind. 

The w'ise men of this Congress have urged, upon similar principles, Hunt all laws of ven¬ 
geance, confiscation, and emancipation will only prolong and stimulate the rebellion, 
postone^peaee, and frustrate the reassertion of federal authority. While 1 would punish 
the rebel leaders for treason by death, without mercy; while I would do it without 
vengeance, in the t ame and majesty of the Republic which they have tried to dispart 
and destroy, 1 would not make law r s, in the very agony of the strife, whose effect will be 
to strengthen tieason, to prolong the contest, and destroy all hopes ol a reunion. 

But. sir, my opposition to such bills proceeds mainly from other and more conclusive 
reasoning. Granting that these bills are constitutional, and that they are according to 
the law of nations, a more momentous question arises. It is no less than ilie preservation 
of the people and society of the North. You free the slaves to punish .treason ; you free 
the slaves because you hate slavery. But what if the punishment falls upon the loyal 
Ulorth ? Shall Ohio suffer because South Carolina rebels? Shall the JNorth be destroyed 





5 


or impaired in its progressive prosperity, by your projeets of wholesale freedom of the 
slaves, because it. will punish, cripple, or destroy slavery or the South? 

_ It is beyond doubt that a large number of the four millions of slaves will be freed in¬ 
cidentally by the war. Already ten thousand are freed in South Carolina; as many 
more in Virginia; and perhaps as many more in the West. It has been co-nnut-d that 
already some 70,000 blacks are freed by the war. I see it stated auth . that 

more contrabands followed G-en. Banks’ retreat down the Virginia Valiev than his 
troops numbered. These are being scattered North, are becoming resident in this District 
and supported by the largesses of the federal treasury. It is said that 18,000 rations are 
daily given out to negroes by our Government. This is but a small number of those who 
are freed, or to be freed, by these bills. The mildest confiscation bill proposed will free not 
less than 700,000 slaves. The bill which is before us frees three millions, at least. The 
bills which receive the favor of the majority of the Republican party will free four mil¬ 
lions, Nothing less will satisfy this Congress. That is now apparent. If you do not 
free all, say the extremists, your war is‘rose-water. If not all, no peace is possible. 

It may have been wrong to have held them in slavery. Is it right to set them free, 
to starve? Wlmt is to be done with them? This is the riddle, more difficult than that 
. of the Ethiopian Sphynx. Like that fabled monster, with the man’s head and the lion’s 
body, it has a puzzl$, and we have no (Bdipus to solve it. One gentleman proposes to 
free the slaves, apprentice theca awhile to raise money, and then colonize them. This 
scheme has its advocates. Regardless of constitutional restrictions, he would have us 
first free them, or as many as are owned by rebels, and buy as many as are owned by 
loyal men, and then, by the money raised by apprenticeship, deport them to Mexico, 
South or Central America. What though it enslave the white labor of the North for a 
half century! What though it diverts the Federal Government into a grand master of 
apprentices! What though it cost millions! What though it destroy the productive 
industry of a dozen’States! It would be a happy riddance at any price. Such is the 
argument. 

But another class says to this scheme: “No; you have no right to send away against 
his will the African, born here. You have no right to buy him. He is entitled to privi¬ 
leges equally with you, direct from the hand of his Heavenly Father, who gave him a 
charter to live and own himself.” This side is championed by the gentleman from Illi¬ 
nois, [Mr. Loykjoy.] Between these two charmers the simple black man tands as a 
comic paper depictured him, with grinning mouth and hesitating mind, not knowing 
which to choose. But, like the maiden in the song, he is willing to yield to either one 
when the ot her dear charmer’s away. [Laughter.] One of my colleagues, who spt aks most 
nearly the sentiments of the majority here, [Mr. Bingham,] has met the question like a man, 
if not like a statesman. While the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Mallory ] was addressing 
the House; after he had shown that colonization, at his least estimate of $i00 per slave, 
would impose a debt of $1,200,000,000, and after he had shown conclusively th ; to free 
them and place them on the lands of the South, where the climate was congenial and the 
productions suited to theiidabor, there would be re-enacted the scenes of Ilayti—a wa ' 
of extermination between black and white, until after scenes of carnage aud horror, the 
black man would be swept a\vay—he asked: 

“ What, then, do you propose to do with them ? Do you propose to let them go from the South, re¬ 
deemed and regenerated as you say, into your-lree States of the North? Oh, no, you contemplate no such 
condition as that for them. ' You exclude tbein, as you would a leper, from your States. 

“ Mr BINGHAM. Allow me to remind the gentleman that his remarks are too general; that he does 
injustice to a majority of the free States of this Union. A large majority of them do not exclude any . 
African from them. 

“ Mr. MALLORY. I ask the gentleman from Ohio if he is willing to throw open the doors of that great 
and noble State—that rich, fruitful, and productive State, to the three millions of slaves that ma} be hbe¬ 
rated by these emancipation and confiscation bills? 

“Mr. BINGHAM Its doors are open now. 

“Mr. W10KL1FFE. When did you repeal the law'prohibiting them? 

“Mr. BINGIIAM. As soon as we turned the Democratic party out of power. [Laughter.] 

“Mr. MALLORY. I know that the gentleman from Ohio does not intend ' its exodus from the 
South shall fin I its way into the State of Ohio, as the Israelites did from Egypt Into Palestine. No; ho 
has too much regard for that state, and is too anxious that its fields shall be tilled by free white laboi, 
and has loo high u sense of the character and attributes of the Anglo-Saxon race, ev.-r to be willing that 
the blacks shall go there and be the competitors of the free white men of'Ohio for the rewards of labor. 
It may be that Ohio may now permit the entrance of free negroes occasionally, but when that*immense 
swarm of negroes, worse than the swarm ot locusts that destroyed Egypt, commences to pour itselt over 
into that Stale, the doors will he closed against them, and he knows it. 

Mr. BINGIIAM. I desire to say to the gentleman that I have no idea myself that under any possible 
pressure I wilt ever consent that any man born upon the soil ot this Republic, by any vote or word ot 
mine, shall be excluded from the limits of any State, my own included. 

“Mr. COX. I will say that the sentiment of my colleague is not the sentiment of the people of Ohio; 
and that as soon as they have a chance to restore the Democratic party, they will keep out the blacks and 
prevent their competing w r ith white labor. , , 

“ Mr. BINGHAM. I have no doubt of that; but it will be a good while after this before they will have 

the power.” 

Here, then, is the issue directly made with my colleague. He denies first that the 
States have the right to forbid the immigration of blacks within their borders. 






6 


Mr. BINGHAM. My colleague I am sure does not intend to do me injustice. The 
proposition which he has just stated is not as I have stated it myself. 

Mr. COX. 1 have done the gentleman the justice to quote all his remarks. 

Mr. BINGHAM. I wish my colleague to understand that 1 confined my remark to 
native-born citizens. 

I. I wdll not spend much time, sir, to controvert this doctrine. Such laws have existed 
in western States, and in Ohio unchallenged. Judge Douglas was right when, in his con¬ 
test with Mr. Lincoln, he maintained that these commonwealths were for white men. 
Aside from the question of policy, there is an admitted right in each State to make or 
unmake its citizenship, to declare who and who is not entitled thereto. That will not be 
denied. When Minnesota came here for admission that was settled. But my colleague 
seems to admit that political privileges, like that of suffrage, may be fixed by State laws. 
Indeed, the Supreme Court have decided that the State has the exclusive right so to do. 
If so, by what reason can a State deprive the black race of the right of suffrage, on which 
depends all laws, all protection, all assessment of taxes, all punishments, even the matter 
of life aod death, and yet not have power to forbid such black race, as a dangerous ele¬ 
ment, from mingling with its population ? The constitution of Illinois, just submitted to 
the people, denies to the negro the right of emigrating to, or having citizenship in, that 
State. Hitherto the same prohibition has existed in Illinois and Indiana, and other west¬ 
ern States. In Virginia, as a police regulation, free negroes were forbidden to emigrate 
to that State. It was never disputed—never, until Oregon applied for admission. Her 
constitution provided that no person of African descent, though free, and no Chinaman, 
should emigrate to that State, or should have the right of suffrage or hold property. In 
the Globe of the 35th Congress (pp. 193, et seq.,) the debate is reported. A Senator 
from Maine denied the right thus to exclude black men, who were citizens of his own 
State, by a decision of the Supreme Court of Maine. He held, as 1 suppose my colleague 
[Mr. Bingham] holds, that uo one portion of the citizens of the United States can inter¬ 
fere with the rights of another portion of the citizens of the United States, and that ne¬ 
groes are citizens. In disregarding the decision of the Federal court against negro citi¬ 
zenship, I am at a loss to see what sanction the Supreme Court of Maine, or the ipse dixit 
of my colleague, ought to have. But waiving that, it was answered by a Republican 
SenatoiTrom Illinois, [Mr. Trumbull,] who denied that negroes ought to be placed on an equal 
footing, in the States, Avith white citizens. Judge Douglas, Avhose word is uoav so sacred 
where once it was so contemned, said : 

“As to the power of a State to exclude negro population from her limits, I had hoped there was no 
dispute at this day. If Maine chooses to encourage a colored instead of a white population, it is their 
right to do so. There are matters Avhich belong to the sovereignty of each State to decide for itself. 
Maine has decided one way, Illinois another. I thought that for several years we had recognized this 
doctrine completely.” 

He might well have thought so, with the Kansas Topeka Constitution in his mind, 
which the Republicans had endorsed, and which made it the duty of the first Legislature 
to pass laws to prohibit the introduction of free negroes into Kansas. At the conclusion 
of the debate it was generally conceded that although members might, in their discretion, 
vote against Oregon on account of this prohibition of free negroes, that after a State was 
admitted, she had the full right to make Avhat police regulations she pleased as to her 
population. Oregon was admitted with this constitution. No question has ever been 
raised, either in the courts of her State or the United States, as to the legality of her pro¬ 
hibition. I know that my colleague, in the most brilliant speech of his life, argued 
against the exclusion of negroes from Oregon as unconstit utional, inhuman, and atrocious. 
He argued the question ably. He distinguished between the conventional rights of suf¬ 
frage and the natural right of locomotion and emigration. He is consistent to-day Avith 
his record, then ; but, in my opinion, consistently wrong. It never Avas intended, and it 
is not so written m the Constitution, that the Stales should give up the right to regulate 
the character of their immigration. If it Avere not so, there could be uo safety to 
property, liberty, or life, under State institutions. A community of Mormons or 
Thugs might take possession ot a State, and there would be no remedy. This re¬ 
served right for sell-protection to the State has never been given up, nor can the 
delegation of this power be inferred from any general phrase in the instrument like that 
w r hich declares that “the citizens ol each State shall be entitled to all the rights and im¬ 
munities of citizens of the several Slates.” If it Avere thus inferrible, Ave might then 
conclude that the Supreme Court of the United States A\ r ere Avrong in deciding that ne¬ 
groes were not citizens. But history and precedent show that the Supreme Court Avere 
right; and although they decided it in the Dred Scott case, no one contends that this 
part of that, decision ‘Was coram non jndice. It is authoritative upon all citizens. 

Mr. THOMAS, of Massachusetts. Will the gentleman allow me to sav that I deny it. 

Mr. COX. The question ot jurisdiction in that case depended on citizenship; ar 
when the question of jurisdiction Avas decided against Dred Scott, because lie Avas noi { 
citizen, it has been argued that the rest of the decision was cora/m non jndice. 
was perfectly proper in that case to decide as to the citizenship; for on that turned 1 
question of jurisdiction. 



7 


II. The right and power to exclude Africans from the States North, being compatible 
with our system of State sovereignty and Federal^supremacy, I assert that it is impoli¬ 
tic, dangerous, degrading, and unjust to the white men of Ohio and of the North, to allow 
such immigration. 

By the census of 1860, in Ohio, we have 86,225 colored persons out of a population of 
2,389,559. As a general thing, they are vicious, indolent, and improvident. They num¬ 
ber as yet one black to about sixty-three whites; but their ratio of increase, during the 
last ten years, has been 43.30 per cent., while that,of the white increase is only 17.82 per 
cent. 

About one-tenth of our convicts are negroes. I gather from the census of 1850. 
that four-tenths of the female prisoners are blacks, although they compose but one*, 
eightieth of the female population of Ohio. In Massachusetts the convicts in the penL 
tentiary are one-sixth black; Connecticut, one-third; New York, one-fourth. In Ohio 
the blacks are not agriculturalists. They soon become waiters, barbers, and otherwise 
subservient to the whites. They have just enough consequence given to them by late 
events to be pestilent. The resistance of the abolitionists to the Federal authority in 
Ohio, within the past three years, was abetted by colored men, some of whom had re¬ 
ceived schooling enough at Oberlin to be vain and ostentatiously seditious. 

The last Legislature of Ohio, by their committee, gave their proteges this certificate of 
character in their import: 

“ The negro race is looked upon by the people of Ohio as a class to be kept by themselves—to be de¬ 
barred of social intercourse with the whites—to be deprived of all advan ages which they cannot enjoy in 
common with their.own class. 

“ Deprived of the advantages here enumerated, it could not be expected that he should attain any great 
advancement in social improvement. Generally, the negro in Ohio is lazy, ignorant, and vicious.” 

If this be true, it would be well to inquire why energetic legislation was not had, in 
view of the emancipation schemes here impending, to prevent this lazy, ignorant, and 
vicious class from overrunning our State. Such legislation was asked and refused. 

If further testimony is needed as to the feeling of the people of Ohio and the northwest 
as to the blacks, I refer you to the speech of an Ohio Senator [Mr. Sherman.] Speaking 
in favor of emancipation in this District, he balanced himself on the slackwire after this 
fashion: 

“This is a good place to begin emancipation for another reason. This is a very Paradise for free 
negroes. Here they eiyoy more social equality than they do anywhere else. In the State where I live 
we do not like negroes. We do not disguise our dislike. As my friend from Indiana [Mr. Wright] said 
yesterday, the whole/people of the northwestern States are, for reasons, whether correct or not, opposed 
to having many negroes among them, and that principle or prejudice has been engrafted in the legislation 
of nearly all the northwestern States.” 

It is a fine thing, the Senator thinks, to free the negroes here; not so good in Ohio. 
Here they have a paradise; in Ohio, its opposite, I suppose. If the Senator could visit 
Green’s Row, within the shadow of this Capitol, henceforth “Tophet and black Ge¬ 
henna called, the type of hell,” and note the squalor, destitution, laziness, crime, and 
degradation there beginning to fester; if he could visit the alleys in whose miserable 
hovels the blacks congregate, he would hardly be reminded of the paradise which Milton 
sang, with its amaranthine flowers, [laughter,] its blooming trees of life, its golden 
fruitage, its amber rivers rolling o’er elysian flowers, its hills and fountains and fresh 
shades, its dreams of love, and its adoration of God. Alas! he would find nothing here to 
remind him of that high estate in Eden, save the fragrance of the spot and the nakodrees 
of its inhabitants. [Laughter.] 

If the rush of free negroes to this paradise continues, it would be a blessing if Providence 
should send Satan here in the form of a serpent, and art angel to drive the descendants 
of Adam and Eve into the outer world. If it continues, you will have no one here but 
Congressmen and negroes, and that will be punishment enough. [Laughter.] You will 
have to enact a fugitive law, to bring the whites to their capital. _ [Laughter.] 

The condition of the negroes here is not unlike their condition in Ohio. Perhaps it is 
worse here than in Ohio, for their numbers are so much more here in propor : uu to the 
population. 

This population already on our hands in Ohio we can take care of;- but if wo can.i jt 
stop more from coming into Ohio, there is no sense in beginning to colonize p.u 
blacks which we have on hand. I make no proposition as to the , now. Tl -y do not; 
except in certain localities, interfere greatly either with our laws or our labor. But 
the quesit.on of allowing more to come in, is the question I discuss, not as to what we 
shall do with what we have. This is a question as gigantic as the schemes of eman¬ 
cipation. It is a practical question, as the war is already throwing them within our bor¬ 
ders in great numbers. 

Slavery may be an evil, it may be wrong for southern men to use unpaid labor, but 
wliat will be the condition of the people of Ohio when the free jubilee shall have come in 
its ripe and rotten maturity. If slavery is bad, the condition of the State of Ohio, with 
an unrestrained black population, only double what we now have, partly subservient, 
partly slothful, partly criminal, and all disadvantageous and ruinous, will be far worse. 





o 


/ 


I do not speak these things out of any unkindness to the negro. It is not for the inter¬ 
est of the free negroes of my State that that class of the population should be increased. 
I speak as their friend when I oppose such immigration. 

Neither do I blame the negro altogether for his crime, improvidence, and sloth. He is 
under a sore calamity in this country. He is inferior, distinct, and separate, and he has, 
perhaps, sense enough to perceive it. The advantages and equality of the white man 
can never be his. As Dr. Fuller expresses it: 

“He sees an<i knows that it is His color only, that color given him by God, which excludes him and his 
posterity from this noble and ennobling competition. And now, what must be the effect upon his char¬ 
acter? It is impossible but that the worst feelings, envy, hatred, vindictiveness, will secretly work in his 
bosom, rendering him unhappy in hiraseif, and dangerous to the country. Already have we had fearful 
premonitions flashing up here and there ; and rest assured, nothing but fear represses the utterance, deep 
and loud, of passions which are only the more fierce because as yet they can have no vent. If the free 
African is to remain in this country, he must either enjoy social equality and amalgamate widi the white 
race, which is impossible, or he will be discontented, unhappy, and will be ultimately exterminated. He 
would not be fit for freedom, he would not be a man, if he could be satisfied with his position.” , 

If history teaches anything, it is that it is as hard to make a servile people free, as a 
free people slaves, and that a conflict of races, which must result from this policy of 
emancipation, will only end in the destruction of the weaker. Rome, Greece, West India, 
all point to the great mistake of breaking rudely the social system of a people. It was 
only the other day that the news from Jamaica told us of the insurrection of slaves, and 
their attack on a principal city. A year or so ago. if we are to credit Andrew Johnson, 
the insurrection of negroes in East Tennessee was caused by a fear that the whites would 
exterminate the negro population en masse , from a jealousy of negro labor. In this city, 
at any moment, we may look for an emeute occasioned by the crowding out of white 
labor by black contrabands. The Government is now paving, to support negroes, thous¬ 
ands of dollars weekly, out of the hard-earned money of the people, raised to put down 
the rebellion; so at Fortress Monroe; so at Port Royal. When I offered a resolution of 
inquiry as to the amount thus diverted, on motion of the member from Illinois, [Mr. 
Lovejoy,] it was voted down. 

Let us heed the lesson which history lias given in other times, as to what is convenient 
and advantageous under similar circumstances. France broke the fetters from the Hay- 
tian blacks, under the lead of Jacobins like the member from Illinois. In less than a half 
century, the industry and commerce of llayti were annihilated ; the Sabbath, the family 
and the school became obsolete; the missionaries were more in danger—as the historian 
of the West Indies, Mr. Ed wards, says—of being eaten than of being heard. [Laughter.] 
Baptist, Methodist, and Episcopalian ministers were expelled with a persecution equal to 
that exhibited lately on the mountains of Syria. Hayti was free! But her freedom was 
the freedom of fiends. Unschooled and undisciplined, she ran riot in her liberty. Her 
career has but one advantage. It admonishes us of what our fate shall be, if we are 
launched on the a.me stormful sea. 

Mr. LOVEJOY Will the gentlemen allow me a moment? 

Mr. COX. No, sir; I will not., 

Mr. LOVKJUY. Then I raise the question of order, that. 1 am entitled to ask the 
gentlerm i a question, inasmuch as he alluded to some member from the State of Illinois. 

1 want oO know to whom he referred. He called some gentleman from Illinois a Jacobin. 

Mr COX. That is'no. point of order; but I will tell the gentleman in confidence 
wh< n I meant. I meant him. [Laughter.] 

Mr. LOY EJOY. That is what I wanted to know. Now, I want to ask the gentleman 
another question. 

Mi OX. 1 did not mention anybody’s name; but the gentleman at once saw the 
;• >j ropr ateuess of the appellation. 

. Ir. LOVEJOY. We will try that when I come to answer the gentleman. 

The CHAIRMAN. Does the gentleman from Ohio }ield the lioor to the gentleman 
f ora Illinois? 

Mr. COX. I do not. 

The London Times gives a truthful picture of the freed negro of Hayti, which has 
its com terpart here already : 

“ Ti negro is a lazy animal, without any foresight, and therefore requiring to be led and compelled. 
It is dec id.idly inhrior, very little raised above a mere animal. He is void of self-reliance, and is the 

•. q.re '.vaster, e*; scarcely fitted to take care of himself; has no care for to-morrow : has no de- 

s . for properly strong c: mgh to induce him to labor; lives from hand to month. In Jamaica emanci¬ 
pation has thrown enormous tracts of land out of cultivation, and on these the negro squats, getting all 
he wants with very little trouble, and sinking, in the most absolute fashion, back to the savage state.” 

But it may be urged, that there were too many blacks for the whites in the West In- 
di js, and the expeiiment tailed in consequence, lhen let us go to Canada, where our 
slaves are under English laws, and in the midst of people not specially prejudiced. The 
testimony is that settlements fit! Chatham, Dawn, Amherstbuvg, Buxton, Dresden, and other 
p ints, are utter failures. It was soon discovered that the blacks preferred charity to 
L >or. The blacks proved lazy, shiftless, improvident, “there not being more than three 
or four families of a different character out of the one hundred aud fifty which comprised 


9 


the settlement at Buxton. They suffer terribly in winter for want of clothing. The 
Dresden settlement, planned on the principle of the Socialists, proved a total failure. A 
few years since Chatham was a blight and prosperous village; but now more than a 
quarter of its population are negroes, and three-fourths of them are worthless idler3 and 
petty thieves.” * 

But it. may still be urged, that in the North—in Ohio—the free negro will work, will 
rise, will add to the security of the State and the prosperity of the people. I select one 
from a string of black gems. I select it from the district of my friend, (Mr. Harrison,) 
who will avouch its correctness. Greene county, Ohio, has nearly 1500 negroes. The 
following extract from the Xenia (Ohio) News, (a Republican paper in Greene county,) 
will give some idea of their condition : 

“ There are about one hundred negroes in Greene county who are always out of employment. A part 
of these are th se who have lately been freed by their masters, and furnished with a bonus, on which they 
are now gentlemanly loafing. Our jail is continually filled with negroes committed for petty offences, 
such as affrays, petty larceny, drunkenness, assault and battery, for whose prosecution and imprisonment 
the town of Xenia has to pay about five hundred dollars per annum. And to such persons going to jail 
is rather a pleasure than a disgrace. They are better fed and lodged there than when vagabondizing 
round our streets. 

“ We have seen negro prostitutes flaunting down Main street, three or four abreast, sweepinc all before 
them indiscriminately. We have seen ladies of respectability running upon the cellar doors, and even 
into gutters, to avoid being run over by these impudent hussies. It, was only the other evening that we 
saw a lady completely turned around by some black girls, who never deviated from their path in the 
middle of t he sidewalk and our own cheek has burned with indignation at the lecherous smile of invita¬ 
tion'which has been flung into our faces by these swarthy demoiselles. Other gentlemen have complained 
of the insulting boldness of their address. But we are sickened with the recital. It is a disagreeable task 
to lance the sore which has long been gathering unheeded; and it is equally so to probe this evil, which 
unawares is growing m our midst. As we have in a former number already said, we feel no prejudice 
against the black man on account of color, or for mere degradation; but, at the same time, we are un¬ 
willing that we should be morally infected by contact with an inferior race, the result of which contact is 
in nq way beneficial to the black, and highly injurious to the white.’’ 

Some years ago, there was a negro colony established in Brown county, Ohio, as to 
which the Cincinnati Gazette said that “ in a little while the negroes became too lazy to 
play.” A Senator in Ohio characterized the colony as follows: 

“The black settlement in Brown county was made in 1819, the original number located there being 
four hundred and twenty, for whom about two thousand acres of land were procured. From the com¬ 
mencement there has been no improvement in their moralsor habits. Idleness and vice are the prevailing 
concomitants. The cost of criminal prosecutions has been very large in proportion to the number of in¬ 
habitants, and keeps up a proportionate average with their increase. In the vicinity of this settlement 
there is not a family within two miles who are not kept in constant dread of depredations or injury of 
some sort. Everything valuable that can be removed is stolen. They are absolutely compelled to confine 
themselves to what is merely necessary to support life, for anything beyond from hand to mouth must in¬ 
evitably fall a prey to the lurking vagrants, who, far worse than a gang of Gypsies, are hovering around 
seeking literally what they may devour. And this state ot things is not confined to any section alone; it 
extends in a greater or less degree wherever this portion of the population is permanently located.’’ 

It might be a profitable calculation to ascertain what will be the depreciation of prop¬ 
erty in Ohio, if the numberless itinerant blacks from the South are to he admitted to the 
State ? The House will remember the ineffectual efforts of Gerritt Smith to make a black 
agricultural colony in New York. He was obliged to confess that “ the mass of them rot 
both physically and morally.” I could produce similar evidence from the New York 
Tribune/but t he strength of the statement would not be increased by quoting from such 
a cesspool of iriiquity. 

I lay down the proposition that the white and black races thrive best apart; that a 
commingling of these races is a detriment to both ; that it. does ndt devote the black, 
and it only depresses the white ; that the history of this continent, especially in Hispano- 
America, shows that stable civil order and government are impossible with such a popu¬ 
lation. In Peru their commingling has led to the decay and degradation of their progeny. 
Dr. Tschudi, in hi 3 travels in,Peru, enumerates some dozen crosses of the negro, Indian, 
and white, with their various and vicious products. The character of these mixed races 
is that of brutality, cowardice, and crime, which has no parallel in any age or land. If 
you permit the dominant and subjugated races to remain upon the same soil and grant 
them any approach to social and political equality, amalgamation more o.r less is inevi¬ 
table. It has invariably followed this blending of people, howov r opposite th original 
stocks. In illustration, let me quote the remark of a distinguished divine, Dr. McGill: 

“Look at Mexico, where the proud Castilian, the subjugated Indian, and tin barbarous African sl.ave. 
were all made free and equal just about-one generation, or thirty-two years ago. by. a •singh decree, to 
meet what was considered “a military necessity.’ More than half of the who’a «ip !nt. .n is alre;,<l\ mixed 
blooded; and just as amalgamation advances, degradation deepens; anarch] pr« us: laws, >•_*:- • i.utions 
and the ballot box are a mockery ; wave after wave of military despotism has leu that Republic, of more 
than eight million souls, one of the fairest regions under heavfcn, for the acquisition of wealth and glory, 
without money, without credit, without commerce, without union, without religion, until at length the 
ambition of Spain, herself, seeks to remand the abject people to their old repudiated thraldom. ’ 

Is this the fate to be commended to the Anglo-Saxon-Cellic population of the United 
States? Tell me not that this amalgamation will not go in the North. What means 
the mulattoes in the North, far exceeding, as the census ot 1850 shows, the mulat- 
toes of the South ? There are more free mulattoes than there are free blacks in the free 





10 


States. In Ohio, there are seven mulatto children for one in Virginia, according to the 
negro population; aud in Indiana and Illinois, there are five for one in Tennessee and 
Georgia! As the white people of the North do not marry blacks, these mulattoes must 
have been born out of wedlock. While, then, there are more mulattoes in the free States 
than blacks; in the South, on the contrary, there is only oue mulatto to twelve blacks! 
How does this occur? I leave it to my colleague from the Portage district, (Mr. Edger- 
ton,) who gave us his opinions, in a pert way, about the Democratic address. I t is recorded 
.that in his county a white woman of Akron sued out a habeas corpus , (for the writ runs 
there yet, at least where'there is color of right,) to take a mulatto baby from a Mrs. Jones, 
a negro woman, under whose care it had been placed by its white mother, and who had 
become attached to the pickaninny. In the course of the discussion, Mrs. J. told the 
white woman that she thought “if the white folks were mean enough to have nigger 
babies, they ought to be willing to let colored people bring them up.” [Laughter.] So 
the judge decided. These little straws show how to account for the preponderance of 
mulattoes North. 

The mixture of the races tends to deteriorate both races. Physiology has called our 
attention to the results of such intermarriages or connections. These results show differ¬ 
ences in stature ar.d strength, depending on the parentage, with a corresponding differ¬ 
ence in the moral character, mental capacity, and worth of labor. The mulatto is not 
long lived. It is a fact that no insurance company will insure their lives. In New En¬ 
gland there is one blind negro for every 807, while at the South there is one for every 
2,635. In New England there is one insane negro for every 980, while in the South 
one for 3,080. If they were the only insane persons there I would not complain. They 
catch it there from the whites. [Laughter.] It is neither philanthropic nor congenial 
to send the negro to the North, where he wilts, when at the congenial South lie in¬ 
creases in numbers even in slavery ! . Our statistician ( Mansfield, p. 41, Ohio statistics , 
1861) boasts that Ohio has men of greater height, by actual measurement, than England, 
Belgium, or Scotland, and in breadth of chest nearly equal to that of Scotland, and above 
att others. I do not offer myself as a specimen. [Laughter.] But how long before the 
manly, warlike people of Ohio of fair hair and blue eyes, in a large preponderance, would 
become, in spite of Bibles and morals, degenerate under the wholesale emancipation and 
immigration favored by my colleague? 

The free negroes will b come equal, or will continue unequal to the whites. Equality 
is a condition which is seif-pro' ctive, wanting nothing, asking nothing, able to take care 
of itself. It is afi absurdity to say that two races as dissimilar as black and white, of dif¬ 
ferent origin, of uuepial capacity, can succeed in the same society when placed in compe¬ 
tition. There is no such example in history of the success of two separate races under 
such circumstances. 

Less than sixty years ago, Ohio had thousands'of an, Indian population. She has now 
but thi :• . sd me. m her borders. The negro, with a difference of color indelible, has been 

freed .Jer eve y riety of circumstances; but his freedom has too often bee " nominal. 

Prejudice, strong than all principles, though not always stronger than lust, has im- 
p ratively separated the whites from the blacks. In the school-house, the church or the 
hospital, the black man must not seat himself beside the white ; even in death and at the 
cemetary the line of distinction is drawn. 

To abol ah slavery the North must go still further and forget that fatal prejudice of race 
w! oh governs it, and which makes emancipation so illusory. To give men their liberty, to 
open to them the gates of the city, and then say, “ There, you shall live among your- 
* ives, you shall marry among yourselves, you shall form a separate society in society,” 
is to create a cursed caste and replace slaves by pariahs. 

Again, it is neither convenient nor advantageous to the State of Ohio to have this in¬ 
flux of blacks. It may be abstractly wrong to debar them from our State ; but some one 
has wisely said, that “ the abstract principles of right and wrong we know, but not the 
processes, nor the duration of their working out in history. All the white handkerchiefs 
in Exeter Hall will not force the general Congress of Nations to decide questions other¬ 
wise than by the laws of convenience and advantage.” 

vV ere there no prejudices or instincts against the color or race in our midst, a true 
State policy would forbid such a horde of Africans as emancipation would send to Ohio. 
Ohio h .: a larger circuit of slave territory abutting on her border, than any other North¬ 
ern State. The Ohio river runs over 500 miles along our border, dividing us from Ken¬ 
tucky and \ irginia, Illinois and Indiana forbid all negroes from their States. Since 
1850 Iowa and V isconsin have had the same policy. Is Ohio to be the only asylum 
for the slaves of Virginia and Kentucky and the other States south? Suppose these 
schemes of emancipation succeed; or suppose they do not, and the emancipation incident 
to the war goes on, what proportion of the slaves of the South will cross into Ohio? 
They will not go to Canada, not now. They will move into lower Ohio, with the con¬ 
suming power of the army worm. By the census, in Virginia and Kentucky alone, the 
colored people number 790,102 1 

How many of these blacks would come to Ohio? Is it high to calculate that one half 
of these in Virginia and Kentucky, and one-fourth of those south of Kentucky aud Vir- 









11 


ginia will find a lodgment in Ohio ? If the philanthropy of my colleague [Mr. Bingham] 
obtains, such will be the result. 

In spite, however, of the laws of Illinois, Indiana and other Western States, the slaves 
of the Mississippi valley will, if freed, seek the Northwest. They will slip through into 
Illinois, Iowa, Kansas and Indiana. The gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. Julian] the other 
day, said that in his part of the State, the law was a dead letter. He is no doubt partially 
correct. 

In the past ten years the ratio of increase of free colored people in the United States 
has been 10 97 per cent., that of the slaves 28.38 per cent., and that of the white 88.12 
per cent. In California the negroes have increased 296.67 per cent, compared to the 
white increase of 310.84 per cent. There are no laws of prohibition in California; while 
in Oregon, where such laws exist, the whole ratio of increase is 299.96 per cent., com¬ 
pared with a loss of 41.54 per cent, of blacks! In. other States there is this ratio : Illi¬ 
nois, white increase 101.49, black only 30.04; Iowa, white increase 251.22, black increase 
207.21 ; Indiana, white increase 37.14, black loss 3.49 ; Wisconsin, white increase 154.10, 
black 133.22. In these States the law forbids blacks ; but in spite of it they get in, but 
not to that extent which they do in Ohio and Michigan, where such laws do not exist. In 
the latter State the white increase is 87.89 per cent., the black is 1 double, viz: 164.15! 
It will be perceived by an examination of the cepsus, that it is in the Northwest, that 
the black race is increasing; while in other States further East and North, they do not 
increase in the same ratio. It is the Northwest, which will be Africanized by the 
schemes here proposed. 

Th e slaves in the Mississippi valley alone, in the States of Arkansas, Kentucky, Loui¬ 
siana, Mississippi, Missouri and Tennessee, number 1,499,079. This does not include the 
free blacks,, who would be compelled to share the exodus. Then Kansas, Nebraska, 
Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana and Ohio, would be their asylum, 
but as the States west of Ohio are in advance of us in preventing this vicious immigra¬ 
tion, Ohio, under the welcome of my colleague and his friends would have more than her 
fair quota. 

Temporizing politicians caunot blink this question. While they advocate emancipation, 
some of them present an alterative—colonization. If more negroes are to be freed, and 
my State is to be their asylum, I am of Jefferson’s opinion, that their freedom ought to 
be accompanied with emigration to some other land, compulsory, if necessary. But 
Greeley and others do not pretend to colonization, to mitigate abolition. The fact that 
many who honestly contemplate abolition are willing to lay a tux of thousands of mil 
lions to colonize, is a confession that they believe that free negroes cannot exist in tho 
country without its ruin. , , 

It has been said that we ought to free the African, even though we built' a 1 idge of 
of gold over the chasm from slavery to freedom! It will prove fridge o, sighs to 
both black and white. Its piers and arches are to be built out of me moil and toil of 
American labor. 

But to its cost: I have some data on which to calculate. In 1858, 1 voted (according 
to an old law existing since the time of Mr. Monroe) money to send back slaves taken < n 
board the slave ship “Echo,” on the 21st of August, 1858. That law requires all such 
slaves to be taken back to Africa, and supported there for one year on the coast. This 
is a humane law, but an expensive one. By a contract made between the Colonization 
Society and Mr. Buchanan, ( see Ex. Doc., 2 d Sess. 35 th Cong , vol. 2, pt. 1,) the Govern 
ment agreed to pay $45,000, or $150 apiece, for the transportation and support of the 300 
Africans one year. It. did not include buying lands for them. There was no expense for 
compensation to slave owners. Now, if the slaves of all the South are to be paid for t 
the rate of $300 apiece, the amount paid here in the District, and land is t( be bought 
beside, you may approximate to the result of this enormous utopian scheme. 

Mr. Goodhue, a gentleman who is connected with the Government, and a statistician 
makes this estimate: 


I have 


‘i By the census of last year, there were 3,952,801 slaves in the l nited States and territories, 
already shown that 454,441, which belonged to the border States, would be worth, at 500 eaco. $186,832,300. 
There remain to be disposed of, therefore, 3,498,360 slaves embraced in the country subject to the rebels, 
but including, of course, large numbers belonging to triends of the Union, who have been eonstrair e<f. 
into obedience to the rebel authorities against their wills. All be rate of #800, the slaves in the*ebel Stat s» 
would be wmrth $1,049,508,000; and adding the cost ot compensation to the border States, at the sa ife 
rate, the aggregate expense of emancipation would be $1,185,840,800. Or, tor the convenience of round 
numbers, the cost of emancipation would be, at $300 per head, twelve hundred millions, ($1,^.00.000,000.1 


Add to this $1,200,000,000 the cost of transportation and maintenance for a year, t 

$150 per negro, and you have $1,800,000,000. Add further, for the price of the soil 1 6 

be bought for them, say ten millions; and the cost of starting them in a strange hvd, 

without roads, houses, teachers, and leaders, ten more; and you may approach he 

stupendous result. # 

This is no violence of mine upon arithmetic. This is the cool calculation of men e: a r 
to carry out, at small cost, their schemes. I give credit to the motive which prompts 
colonization. But where are these enormous sums to come from? “Oh, the war ex¬ 
penses are as much, and ought to pay it;” or, as Sir Boyle Roche would say, “every 



12 


man ought to give his last guinea to protect the remainder.” Are not the war expenses 
already run up to such a sum that men flounder in their calculation of them? But, it is 
said, the war expenses are not yet done, and by this scheme we may save the reinainder. 

I would like to think so. Such schemes of emancipation will only prolong the war and 
add to its expenses. This enormous tax is to be paid, it is said, in thirty-seven years, at 
an annual tax of $150,000,000! We are to use our credit by bonds, and thus establis 
a national debt. Great as our resources are, this burden is too enormous. It leaves ju, 
hope. It creates despair. A-k the question of the people: ‘‘Can you meet these liabil¬ 
ities in addition to the war debt, now estimated by Senator Simmons, at the end of July 
1862, at $550 000,000, and to be doubled before the war is over, supposing that it will 
end in a year?” 

Such a scheme even destroys a large portion of the means to pay for itself. The labor 
of the negroes after they are freed and colonized is nothing, worse than nothing. It is 
a loss to the country of just what it wjjl take in time and trouble to replace it by other 
labor equally good. It is a loss to the country of the labor and laborers themselves, 
estimated at $600,000 000. 

Then we have the. following results: 

Cost of "compensation to4>wners of slaves.>.$1,200,000,000 

Cost of deportation and maintenance one year.. 600.000,000 

Cost of land to be purchased, bridges, houses, roads, &c. 20,000,000 

Loss of the labor and laborers to the country and to the masters before a new supply of labor 

can be had. 600 000,000 

Debt already, according to Secretary Chase's last report. 491,445,984 

War debt additional by 1S63, according to Senator Simmons. 500,000,000 

$3,411,445,984 

This sum almost equals the national debt bf Great Britain, which, as the accumulation 
of centuries, amounts to £757.486,997, or about $3,787,000,000! Here is a bridge of 
gold for the African exodus ! Ohio builds one span of one tenth, to cost $34,114,459 ; my 
district pa’, s one-twentieth of that, or $1,705,722. But how much of the accumulations 
of our people will this sum take? Secretary Chase tells us that, according to the census 
of 1860, the real and personal property of the people of the United States is $16,102,- 
924 116! Hence one-fifth of all we have would scarcely meet this enormous liability! 

In the name of advantage, economy, sense, and humanity, will not the people repudiate 
this prodigious expenditure? The men who levy it, sir, are running a desperate hazard. 
Where secession has placed, by the tax to put it down, only yokes of wood on the people, 
which they will cheerfully bear, this scheme makes yokes of iron! Think you the au¬ 
thors of so grand a scheme can escape the vengeance of the people by resignation or 
exile? , Theirs will he a doom worse than that of the Gracehii or Robespierre! 

But these.dreamers do not intend to buy and colonize. Their ethics, like their speeches, 
are cribbed from the pharisaical spoutings of Exeter Hall. The House has voted down 
the project of colonization proposed by the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Blair] They 
will not so outrage human nature—not they. What! says Wendell Phillips, export the 
four millions which are the fulcrum of the lever "by which the nation is to be restored 1 
Oli, no. Is not this the land of their birth? Even the colonization members do not 
propose coercion. Theirbills deny compulsion. What then? 

III. It is proposed to free all, and leave chance to distribute them among the people. 
Chance, sir, is a poor economist, and a worse ruler. Let us consider the efl’ect of this 
proposition. 

A distinguished Senator from Vermont [Mr. Collamer] fixed the proportion of this dis¬ 
tribution at. one negro to every five or six whites.* He was right. By the census of 1860 
there are in the United States 27,008,081 whites and 3,999,535 slaves, if the slaves were 

’ I refer to the following in the speech of Senator Doolittle, of Wisconsin, made at this session: 

“ \ distinguished gentleman from Vermont was first elected to Congress in 1S43. One of the well-to-do 
fr riers in his neighb rhood called upon him, the evening before he was to leave for Washington, to pay 
fns respects, lie found him in his office, and told him that he came for that purpose, and to but him good- 
L r *And now,judge, said he, ‘when you get to Washington,! want to have yotulake hold of this negro 
business, and dispose of it in some way or other; have slavery abolished, and be done with it.’ ‘Well,’ 
-aid the judge, ‘as the people who own these slaves, or claim to own them, have paid their money for 
them, and hold them as property under their State laws, would it not be just, if we abolish slavery, that 
some provision should be made to make them compensation?’ He hesitated, thought earnestly for 
aw bile', and, in a serious tone, replied : ‘Yes, I think that would be just, and I will stand my share of the 
axes.’ Although a very close and economical man, he was willing to bear his portion of the taxes, 
‘llul,’ said the judge, ‘there is one other question : when the negroes lire emancipated, what shall be done 
with them? They are a poor people ; they will have nothing; there must be some place for them to live. 
Do you think it would be any more than fair that we should take our share of them ?’ ‘Well, what would 
be <>nr share in the town of Woodstock?’ he inquired. The judge replied: ‘There are about two thou- 
: n five hundred people in Woodstock ; and if you take the census and make the computation, you will 
bud that there would be about one for every five white persons ; so that here in Woodstock our share 

o' d he about five hundred.’ ‘What.’ said he, ‘five hundred negroes in Woodstock! Judge, I called to 
my respects; I bid you you good evening;' and he started for the door, and mounted his horse. As 

vtas about to leave he turned round and said: ‘Judge, I guess youf need not do anything more about 
negro business on my account.’ [Laughter.] Mr President, perhaps I am not going too far when I 
hat honorable gentleman sits before me now, [Mr. Coll am .r] 

Ir. Collamek. As the gentleman has called me out, I may be allowed to say that the inhabitants of 
own were abuut three thousand, and the proportion was about one to six.” 












16 


distributed equally north and Bouth this would make one negro to every seven whites, 
but if all are driven north by social convulsion, as shown by the gentleman from Ken¬ 
tucky, [Mr. Mallory ] it would make more than one black for every five white persons. 

But we know that the African will not go to New England, at least in such numbers as 
to other States. He does not thrive there. In Boston the city register shows that for 
the last five years there were 134 births to 376 deaths among the colored people. 

If Ohio were open, as my colleague advocates, we would have at least twice as many 
'^roes flock into that State as to the rest of the North, and twice as many in central and 
Uthern Ohio as ir^nort.hern Ohio; or one negro for every three white persons in the 
> ate, and perhaps twice that ratio in southern and central Ohio. Take Massachusetts 
-a fair average of the North. There every inducement is off. red to his immigration, 
i'is made a voter; he is admitted to the bar; he is even made better than a white man 
suffrage, provided the white man comes from Germany or Ireland. Yet, in a popula- 
on of 1,231,065, the blacks number only 9,454, or one black to 130 of the population; 
hile in Ohio, with not double the population, there is one black to 63 of the population, 
"lie increase <>f blacks in Ohio is 43 30 per cent, while in Massachusetts it is only 23.96 
per cent. So that 1 am justified, not alone by the census, but most, by the geographical 
position and nearness of Ohio to the South and the extent, of its slave State border, in in¬ 
ferring that, she would receive more than double the number assigned t,o the States north, 
by Mr. Collamer’s apportionment. What, then, would be the result? Ohio has 2,303- 
874 white people. She would then have at a ratio of one black to every three persons, 
an addition of 767,791 to her black population! My district, composed of Franklin, 
Licking, and Pickaway counties, where negroes seetn to congregate more than among 
their professed friends in northern Ohio, would have scattered among ils 110,941 persons, 
blacks to the number of 36,980! This is nearly equal to the whole population of Licking 
county I They would be distributed as fellows : Licking£-T2 370; Franklin, 16,787 ; an<l 
Pickaway, 7,823. 

But even this does not do justice to the inexorable figures, for my district is peculiarly 
blessed with negro population. Whether it is because the people are more generous in 
their treatment of the blacks; whether Kentucky and Virginia families who settled in it 
are more numerous; or what it is, still it is true, by the census of 1860, that with a popu¬ 
lation in my district of about one-twentieth of the whole population of the State, 
it has one-fourteenth of its blacks, or 2,660 out of 36,673. ^ t 

licking has whites . 36,868 blacks. 143 

Franklin has whites. 4 . 48,733 blacks . 1,578 

Pickaway has whites . 22,530 ' blacks . 089 


108,181 


2,660 


One would suppose that in the Western Reserve, where the profession of philanthr py is 
ever arisiug in prayer, in speech, arid in print, where for jmars they cultivated ro civil 
discipline, which interfered with their notions of slavery, there would be tlmu ;s of 
blacks. Is it so? Thou iron-tongued census, speak! 


Oolored persons in Ashtabula. 

Oayuhoga (Cleveland) 

Lake. 

Mahoning. 

Portage. ...,.. 

Trumbull. 

Geauga. 

Loraine (Oberlin).... 

Medina. 

bummit. 


25 

854 

3C 

61 

76 

80 

7 

549 

38 

S8 


Total 


1,854 


So that, in these ten counties of the Western Reserve, there is but a few more Africans 
than in one county of my district! Why they especially avoid Ashtabula I can ot say. 
Is it the prodigal* profession and scant practice of humanity ? [Laughter;] Or has Gil¬ 
dings, with a view to protect property and keep up its price, coaxed them into Canada, 
where happily lie is now domiciled? And there is Geauga, with not as many negroes 
as Fulton county has Indians! What a. commentary on representative fidelity i< here ! 
The member from Ashtabula, Mahoning, and Trumbull, [Mr. Hutchins,] speaks for 166 
negroes; but from his piteous ado, one would suppose that he represented at least as 
many Africans as the king of Dahomey.[Laughter.] And there is my smiling colleague 
from the northwest, [Mr. Asiiley,] whose rotund form is ready to become like Niobe—all 
tears—by his grief for the poor negro ; [laughter ;] whose gushes of eloquence ir 
their behalf remind one of the Arab lyrics in praise of the dark maidens ot Abyssinia 
when they sung: “Oh! the black amber! the black amber! Its perfume by far, is 
sweeter than all else on earth or in star; the lotus of Nile, the rote ot Cashmere, m^j 
senses enthral, when thou art not here.” [Great laughter.] let., from the whole eleven 
counties ot his district, he cannot count as many negroes by half, as live in my own county. 

I am not particularly proud of representing a greater number of Africans than my col T 
leagues. I think, so far as the chattering goes about their inalienable rights and ever¬ 
lasting wrongs, 1 am entirely unsuited t© represent them; yet I hope that in actual kind; 






















JLJt 


ness to tliem I do represent the white people of my district, whose practical benevolence 
has attracted to that portion of the State an undue share. What I fear is, and what I 
deduce is, that this disproportionate share will be continued when the bills voted for by 
my colleagues are law, and the black exodus has begun. 

I understand that it is the intention of some of my Republican colleagues to begin the 
work of negro immigration by taking a drove of these free negroes to their districts. If 
they will keep them on the reserve, 1 will not complain. Their motives may be good; 
humanity and duty may require it of them, since their clamor has brought them into 
their helplessness here; but such humanity will be like giving a crumb to a hungry man. 
The work of negro emancipation is stupendous, the expense enormous, and the result will 
be a perfect failure. 

But I propose, sir, to make a further analysis of this subject. I have the honor, as 
it is fondly believed by some, to be a prospective constituent of either my friend from the 
Clark district, [Mr. Shellabarger,] or the honored representative of the Madison district, 
[Mr. Harrison,] with whose votes 1 so often concur. The Legislature of Ohio has made 
for my especial contemplation a new district, composed of the counties of Clark, Madison, 
Franklin, and Greene. If my two friends, who do not agree well in their votes, will 
consent to make the race next fall, 1 will, perhaps, edge in a conservative word for the 
general welfare. [ commend to them this question 1 am discussing. 

This new district, sir, is rich in colored materials. It was the select asylum for the 
blacks in their northern movement. Greene county, to which I have referred for the 
chastity of its African damsels, is a second Paradise of free negroes. The benevolence of 
Horace Mann at Antioch College, led the blacks to believe that here they would repose in 
the green pastures as contentedly as their brethren bask in the rays of a Congo sun. 
They were to be elevated wiibout effort to au equality with the white race; and here 
they gathered to witness the miracle. That it has not been effected is no fault of the 
distinguished philanthropist. The people of Greene county well understand why it can 


never be accomplished. Let me then take this new district in hand for a moment: 

Whiles. Negroes. Total. 

Franklin has . 4S,783 1,578 50,361 

Madison has . 12,739 276 13,015 

Clark has . 24.808 492 25.300 

Green has. 24,722 1,475 26,197 


111,052 3,821 114,873 

Here are twice as many negroes as in the whole Western Reserve! One negro to every 
three white persons would give: 


Franklin... . .f 6,461 

Madison. 4,246 

Clark. 8,269 

Green . 8,240 

Making in all a total of blacks in this new district of 37,017 ! A very pretty mosaic! 
1 sweet and fragrant nest! And this is the Afric’s coral strand, to which my mis¬ 
sionary labors are to be directed! Why, here are one-tenth of the negroes of Ohio in 
thu. district, with only one twentieth of the population of the State! So that in this 
district, if the, ratio continued, we should have twice as many as our fair share, (at one 
neg^o to three of the white population,) or some eighty thousand negroes! 

BJlow will this immigration of the blacks affect labor in Ohio and in the North? 

First, directly , it' affects our labor, as all unproducing classes detract from the prosperity 
F a community. Ohio is an agricultural State. Negroes will not farm. They prefer to 
laze or serve around towns ai d cities. This it evident from the census of Cincinnati, Cleve¬ 
land, Toledo, Dayton, Columbus, Zanesville, and Chillicothe, where more than three- 
fourths of the blacks of Ohio are to be found. But is it said that the plantation hands, 
when free, will work the lands? Such is not the experience on the Carolina coast. A 
writer in the Boston Journal, from Port Royal, on the 14th of May, 1862, estimates 
that there are 10,000 contrabands on the islands. They have planted some corn, 
potatoes, and cotton, under the Government direction. This writer says: 

“ It is difficult to make the negroes work, or induce them to, (if that sounds better North,) as they find 
something to eat from Massa Lincoln, and seem to feel they are not “ free niggers’’ if they work. So they 
often take a day or several days to themselves, when their services are perhaps most needed, and go to 
Ililton Head or Beaufort. For instance, some ground had been prepared for ploughing and planting, but 
just as they were needed the few men who understood that part went off for two days without the least 
notice, thus dpl&ying the planting, which was even then late. Until some method is adopted to make 
them feel the necessity of work for their own good, Government will receive but little benefit compara¬ 
tively.” 

Mill they do any better North? We know what they have done. There are-excep¬ 
tions. I speak of the masses of blacks. Have they done any better at Fortress Monroe, 
or even here, under military surveillance? Let their condition answer. Food for the 
present is what they crave; and when that is had, no more work till they crave again. 

But suppose they do work, or work a little, or a part of them work well; what then is 
the effect upon our mechanics and laboring men? It is said that many of them make 
good blacksmiths, carpenters, etc., and especially good servants. If that be so, there are 


i 













V>v will steal 


Corn 
from the hedges 


is there to the south- 
effect of their immi- 
5 7 stern of the South is 
.}, a good part of which 


white laborers North whose sweat is to be coined into taxes to ransom these negroes ; and 
the first effect of the ransom is to take the bread and meat from the families of white 
laborers. If the wag*-s of white labor are reduced, they will ask the cause. That 
cause will be found in the delusive devices of members of Congress. The helps of German 
and Irish descent, the workmen and mechanics in the shop and field, will find some, if 
not all, of these negroes, bought by their toil, competing with them at every turn. Labor 
will then go down to a song. It will be degraded by such association. Our soldiers, 
when they return, 100,000 strong, to their Ohio homes, will find these negroes, or the best 
of them, filling their places, felling timber, ploughing ground, gathering crops, <fcc. 
How their martial laurels will brighten wheD they discover the result of their services! 
Labor that now ranges at from $1 to $2 per day, will fall to one-half. Already, in this 
District the Government is hiring out the fugitives at from $2 to $8 per month, while 
white men are begging for work. Nor is the labor of the most of these negroes desirable. 
No system of labor is so unless it be steady. They will get their week ’3 wages, and then 
idle the next week away. Many will become a charge and a nuisance upon the public 
charity and county poor tax. One hundred of the fifteen hundred negroes of Green 
county, as we have seen, were drones and scamps. So in Brown county. Randolph’s 
negroes, taken to Mercer county, were nuisances. If they are distributed into the coun¬ 
try, they may work for a little time and for small wages, and wr well for a time; but 
when work grows irksome, and they “ become too lazy to pla T 
and chickens disappear in their vicinage, with the facilff- 
wbere Falstaff marched his tatterdemallions. 

And for this result directly to northern labor, wV. 
ern half of our country by their removal? Herein a 
gration upon northern labor. By this emancipation , i/ie . 
destroyed. The cotton, which brought us $200,000,000 per a. 
came to Ohio to purchase pork, corn, flour, beef, machinery, &c., where is it? Gone. 
What of the cotton fabric, almost as common as bread among the laboring classes! With 
4,000,000 of indolent negroes, its production is destroyed, and the ten millions of artizans 
in the world who depend on it for employment, and the hundred million who depend on 
it for clothing, will find the fabric advanced a hundred per cent. So with sugar, and 
other productions of slave labor. For all these results, labor will curse the jostling ele¬ 
ments which thus disturb the markets of the world. 

Another indirect effect upon the labor of the North and especially of Ohio, is that the 
markets of the South will be closed, not by blockade, but forever. Our prices of corn, 
wheat, pork, beef, &c., will be reduced by a contracted market. The surplus in Ohio, the 
past year was of grain, 25,000,000 bushels; of hogs, 1,000,000; of cattle, 300,000, exports 
from, the State, or more than $50,000,000 worth; while other articles of export v ere worth 
$50,000,000 more. This production is above that which Ohio can use. if our market is 
restricted who suffers? The farmer. If he suffers, who will pay the taxes in Ohio? 
Prices must be remunerative or agriculture suffers. If agriculture suffers in Ohio, every 
man, woman and child feels it. If this scheme for Africanizing the State, >y destroying 
southern labor, succeeds, no fostering care or scientific skill can make up 'ie loss to the 
farmer. Such schemes, by destroying the sources of labor, destroy 1 emselves. ®Pe\t 
these dreamers cling to their notions with the happy impudence of Munchausen, who 
went to the moon for the silver hatchet, by means of a Turkey bean which grew up to 
its horns. When his bean was dried by the heat, he twisted a rope < f straw by v ich to 
descend, fastening one end to the horns. Alas! like many similar schemes, it ^ as too 
short. But, holding fast by the left hand, with his right he cut the long and uselest 
upper part, which, when tied to the lower end, brought him safely to the cart! ! Suck 
will be the result of these lunatic experiments upon the labor systems of the country. 
The sooner they descend from the moon with their rope of st aw—the better. Thus, 
with loss.to the South and damage to the North, both irreparable— and no gain to either, 
the year of Negro jubilee is to be ushered into existence. 

In conclusion then, if the negro cannot be colonized without burdens intolerable, and 
plans too delusive; if be cannot be freed and left South without destroying its labor, and 
without his extermination; if he cannot come North without becoming an outcast and 
without ruin to Northern industry and society, what shall be done? Where shall lie go? 
He answers for himself. The pater familias of a drove of negroes, the other day in the 
Valley of Virginia, was asked, ‘“where are you going? “Dun’ no” —massa, dun’ no; 
gwine somewhere, I recken.” [Laughter.] His friends can answer very little better. 
But such answer is not statesmanship. 

What shall be done? I answer, Representatives! that our duty is written in our oath ! 
It is in the Constitution of the United States! Leave to the Slates their own institu¬ 
tions where that instrument leaves them, keep your faith to the Crittenden resolution, 
rid of all ambiguous schemes and trust under God, for the revelation of His will con¬ 
cerning these black men in our land, and the overthrow by our power ot this rebellion 
Have you no faith in Go^ who writes the history of nations? Great as is our power, 
wise as is our system of government, brave as are our soldiers, unequalled as nr- our 
fleets of iron, it is only for Him to breathe upon us,—and our power will fade. 1 kuow 





16 


that Ilis power can solve these dark problems of our fate. Let us do our duty to the 
order established by our fathers, under His wise inspiration, and all may be well. 

In this night of our gloom, my faith has been in Him, even as my oath to the Constitu¬ 
tion which lie inspired, is made, “so help me God!” Cleaving to that—1 can see the 
dawn of hope! Leaving it, I see nothing but perjury, fraud and a darker night of dis¬ 
aster. In our Constitution alone, under God—is our National salvation enshrined! 

But I have no faith in, and no hope of this Congress, for they have no faith in 
God or the Constitution. Greece had a law called the indictment of illegality, where¬ 
by any man was tried and punished in a common court like a criminal, for any law 
which had passed on his motion in the assembly of the people, if that law appeared un¬ 
just or prejudicial to the public. If there were such a law here, how few of the majority 
of this House would escape the dock of the criminal and the rope of the gibbet. The 
member from Illinois [Mr. Lovejoy] would then receive the beatitudes which follow 


suspended animation. 


[Laughter.] But what of the member from Pennsylvania, [Mr. 
Kelley.] He has hem ever ready, in his defence of b ! aek men and black character, to 
assail personally thosi. vit-h whom he differed. He could not pass by my humble speech 
as to llayti without soi ie sarcastic flings and much misrepresentation, which he refused 

He did not like my style of description, and wondered why 
humor ab6ut the negro in court dress. He is more successful, 
glied at. His speeches' have been well described as being 
* mee a tornb and every speech a grave-yard. (Laugh- 
Jo bury me, as he had buried others. But even 
likened to the “ cry of anyitirierant bull, in pur- 
v \\-oad prairies of the West,” (great, laughter,) would, if 
choked forever, lie would then find his melo dramatic 
the fifth act, in a tragedy, which an admiring audience would 


to allow hue to ans\>-<; 
there was:no i i. h 
He never fcpeak t; 

every word li¬ 
ter.) in tihi-i ■ jvt ! 
that voice—-?; u pr< o 
suit of society ihoui i 
that Grecian 1 1 

performances cl beh>i 


applaud t/p the echo . Faithless to their own resolves, faithless to the President’s message 
and proclaims ions—; Hless to their pledges to the army and the people—faithless to the 
memories of the past »• the hopes of the future—faithless to the Constitution and to the 
God of their oath—tin a maddened zealots pursue the work of destruction. A tew short 
months, aid cv en the 1 lacks of America will curse them as their worst enemy. This Con¬ 
gress which ought to be engaged in holding up the hands of the Executive, and in giving 
aid and counsel in putting down this armed rebellion,—has striven to circumvent the 
plans of the President, by their immature and vindictive bills of confiscation. It has 
been coopering away at the vessel, hooping it around with infinite pains, by emancipa¬ 
tion, while its bottom, like the tub of the Dauaides is full of holes and can hold no water. 

Weary m watching its mad designs of revolution—and its crazy crotchets of b[ack 
freedom—and for the self-preservation of my native State and the .North from the black 
immigrad.in with w hiuh it is threatened, I shall goto my home and ask the ballot to 
speak its denunciation. A few months and that, expression will he bad. On it depends 
the fate-of the Republic. My belief is, that the people will write the epitaph of this 
Congress, nearly us Gladstone wrote that of the Coalition ministry during the Crimean 
WU r; 

Here lies the ashes of the XXXVII Congress! 

It found the United States, in a war of 
gigantic proportions, involving 
its very existence. 

It was content to wield the sceptre of Power 
and accept the emoluments «>f office; 
and tfsed them to overthrow 
the political and social system of the country, which 
it was sworn to protect. 

It saw the fate of thirty-four white commonwealths in peril; 
but it babbled of the 

NEGRO! 

It saw patriotic generals and soldiers in the 
field, under tlie old flag; 

It slandered the one, arid in the absence of the other, 
it destroyed his means of labor. 

Jt, talked of Liberty to the black, and 
piled burdens of taxation on white people 
for schemes utopian. 

The people launched at it the thunderbolt 
x of .their wrath; 

and its members sought to avoid punishment, 
by creeping into dishonored 
political graves 1 
Requiescat I 


L. Towers & Co., Pi inters, cor. Sixth street and Louisiana Avenue, W^hingt 


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